By David R Mansley

In this publication David Mansley argues that the frequency with which violence intrudes directly to the streets is said to either how society is ruled and the way it's policed. With assistance from an cutting edge method, he quantifies and exams 3 variables – collective violence, democracy and protest policing – utilizing protests in nice Britain in 1999–2011, for his sampling body. the result's the layout of recent instruments of size and a harvest of latest facts, together with formerly unpublished info of banning orders and rebel damages, that let us to mirror, with the good thing about large sociological viewpoint, at the factors of up to date violent events.

Mansley’s clarification of the traits he identifies attracts from the paintings of the easiest thinkers on violence – specially Charles Tilly, Thomas Hobbes and Norbert Elias. He indicates how the fashion of protest policing and the intensity of democracy, either one of which functionality lower than the path of the political economic system, are an important to the state’s credentials because the monopoly provider of valid violence. His dialogue touches on such present subject matters because the establishment of police commissioners, the privatisation of policing tasks, and the decline in homicide.

This cultured examine, consisting of an interesting assessment of the present scholarship on violence, is vital fabric for undergraduate and postgraduate scholars examining criminology, sociology or political theory.

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Additional info for Collective Violence, Democracy and Protest Policing

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Scheff (1994) proffers the example of the Attica prison riots, in 1971. The violence of the prison guards towards inmates began with a series of events that the guards perceived as humiliating (the rights of prisoners had been increased by a new warden who had not consulted the guards). Because the of¿cers did not acknowledge their humiliation, their assault followed a sequence of insult, unacknowledged shame, rage and aggression. The sequence can also be observed in the build up to wars between states.

These modern forms were larger in scale, and involved more complex organisations. 12 The standard protester was no longer a woolcomber or a weaver, but more commonly a miner or a construction worker. Protest changed from ‘pre-industrial’ forms to a type corresponding to the needs of emerging industrial society (Rudé 1973). 13 The general trend was a large decline in the prevalence of violence at contentious events. These changes in the repertoire of contention can be partly explained by changes in the wider political process.

Scheff links shame with violence. He argues that shame arises from a threat to the social bond (which itself is based on understanding, respect and tolerance). The threat comes from either excessive closeness or isolation. The result is ‘unacknowledged shame’, which can be transformed into rage against the perceived source of shame. When shame goes ‘underground’ it leads to compulsive behaviour that is outside awareness. The ‘shamed’ feel helpless, belittled and abandoned, while, to them, the source of shaming appears in control and indifferent.

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Collective Violence, Democracy and Protest Policing by David R Mansley
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