By Nesrin Ücarlar, n/a


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Sample text

At that moment, a ‘founding violence of the law or of imposition of state law has consisted in imposing a language on national or ethnic minorities regrouped by the state’ (ibid: 21). However, ‘a silence is walled up in the violent structure of the founding act’ (ibid: 14). This silence corresponds to the secondary violence of law, which refers to the attempt of parliaments to forget the violence from which they are born (see Derrida ibid: 47). However, ‘it is when violence is being denied that it is most insidiously at work’ (Maley 1999).

In this respect, the liberal approach strives primarily to guarantee social (national) mobility or social (national) cohesion and deliberative democracy in a liberal nation-state (see Kymlicka and Patten 2003: 1-51). Such reservations are relevant only if one can contend that both the social mobility of minority members and deliberative democracy are guaranteed by national linguistic convergence or that linguistic diversity is an obstacle for social mobility of minority members and deliberative democracy.

In fact, as Bhabha displays, the idea of community in contemporary world ‘disturbs the grand globalising narrative of capital, displaces the emphasis on production in “class” collectivity, and disrupts the homogeneity of the imagined community of the nation’ (2001: 2301). He considers the community ‘the antagonist supplement of modernity: in the metropolitan space it is the territory of the minority, threatening the claims of civility; in the transnational world it becomes the border-problem of the diasporic, the migrant, the refugee’ (ibid).

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Between majority power and minority resistance : Kurdish by Nesrin Ücarlar, n/a
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